It is the case that the painting of the Anglo-Dutch Wars ships is a bit stalled – fixing the sails has been a great deal more challenging than I expected, although I seem to have got four models ready for undercoating. Only another eight to go.
Still, stalled (or, perhaps, that should be
becalmed) painting does not stop me reading stuff, and the latest tome is one
that has been on my shelf for some years, which does seem to show the positive
advantages of being interested in the same periods of history over more than
twenty years.
The book in question is this:
Hainsworth, R., and C. Churches. The
Anglo-Dutch Naval Wars 1652 - 1674. Stroud: Sutton, 1998.
As the title implies this is an overview of the
entire naval warfare between the English and Dutch navies from the Commonwealth
to the semi-fiasco of the third war. As a slightly older book, of course, it
does not benefit from colour pictures except on the cover, but it does make up
for that by having a plethora of black and white images throughout.
Nearly half of the book is based around the
first war, 1652-4. It is, I think, probably the most interesting for a variety
of reasons, but it also is the one which the English really won, which might
add to its interest in Anglophone nations and among those with a Whig view of
history and the inexorable rise of the British Empire. Wargamers, I am sure,
would never fall into either of those traps.
Still, as the book observes, there was a rather
halting start to the war by the English. The Dutch were a great deal more experienced
in naval warfare and command, as well as seamanship. On the other hand, the
English had most of the strategic advantages. A Dutch politician observed that
the English would be attacking a mountain of gold while the Dutch had a
mountain of iron to attack. Most of the Dutch trade routes necessarily pass
within naval strike range of English ports and anchorages.
Leadership was another issue. The English
admirals were generals, unused to handling naval vessels, unfamiliar with naval
strategy and tactics. They were, however, brave, used to winning, and could
learn from experience. Hence, it would appear that after the first few
encounters, the fighting instructions were issued which included the directive
to fight in line, rather than in groups.
This was largely a result of the different
vessels that the English and Dutch used. While both resorted to armed
merchantmen, the English ships were more heavily gunned and fought to batter
Dutch vessels with cannonry to the hulls. The Dutch, being lighter and shallower
drafted could not carry the same weight of cannon, and therefore shot to
disable the masts and rigging of the English ships, close and board them, or
destroy them with fireships.
To anyone who has even a passing interest in
later naval warfare of the Nelson era, this probably sound familiar. The
British and French navies of that era had the same sort of tactics. Even so, it
was a bit difficult for the tactics to be pure: the Dutch had to shoot and the
English, in order to actually win anything, had to get close up. The main
difference across the hundred years or so between the Anglo-Dutch and
Anglo-French wars was in the number of ships involved in a battle (which decreased)
and the size of vessel involved, which increased. Hence by the mid-Eighteenth
Century the line of battle did not usually involve anything less than a 74-gun
ship, while in the 1650s 36-gun ships were perfectly adequate ships of the
line.
The second and third wars were, relatively
speaking, humiliations for the English. The Dutch ‘raid’ on the Medway was a
disaster and much of the blame for that could be laid at the feet of Charles
II, at least according to Hainsworth and Churches. Mind you, the earlier
battles of Lowestoft and the Four Days Fight were hardly triumphs of English naval
intelligence and command. Dutch naval command was consistently good, although
many of the captains on both sides (more often reported by the Dutch, at least)
failed to second the admirals and had a tendency to hide at the back of the
formations and not engage (and, occasionally, shoot through their leaders….).
During the second war the Dutch built heavier
gunned ships, even though some of their anchorages and ports might be denied to
the deeper draft vessels. The alternative, of wider shallow draft vessels to carry
bigger guns, was ruled out because the ships would have been slower. By the
third war the difference in gunnery was much narrower, although the strategic
position was very different.
The Third Anglo-Dutch naval war was really the
project of Charles II in cahoots with Louis XIV to eliminate the Dutch. At sea,
all the Dutch really needed to do was retain a fleet in being. Any projected
naval landing of an army would be impossible if the Dutch fleet remained in the
offing. As such the actions of the war were, from a tactical view, fairly
inconclusive, although the French naval squadron’s behaviour was, at time, amounting
to the treacherous, albeit with a degree of plausible deniability. As the
authors point out, there was little that Rupert and his admirals could do to
defeat the Dutch navy so long as they remained in the shallows and shoals off
the Dutch coast. Getting at them was difficult, defeating them almost
impossible.
An upshot of the Third War was the growing
public distrust of the French and the Stuart monarchy. This was to have
important consequences in the medium and longer terms, of course. Fourteen
years after the end of the Third Anglo-Dutch War a Dutch naval fleet landed a
Dutch army at Torbay while the English fleet and British army looked on. The
die was cast for over a century of warfare between the British and French
polities.
No comments:
Post a Comment